Approval ratings for Donald Trump are hitting new lows, as Americans push back against his increasingly fascist regime. Republicans often claim Trump's authoritarian overreach is justified by an electoral “mandate.” But with final counts showing more than half of the population (50.2%) voted for another candidate, this claim has always been dubious. As Trump’s approval sinks below 40%, the claim is downright laughable. Thus far, Congress and the courts—intended to check and balance Presidential power—have abdicated their roles, allowing Trump to run roughshod across the Constitution, infringe Americans’ freedoms, and erode the U.S. scientific enterprise.
As the Supreme Court continues to rubber stamp Trump’s lawlessness, the urgency grows for Congress to step back into its power. Thus far, Congressional Republicans seem to remain cowed by fears of retaliation in the form of being primaried or even physically harmed. As the minority party, Democrats have had few options to vote down Trump’s agenda. One key avenue for Democrats to sway legislation is appropriations, or the budget. The next major deadline is September 30th, when the government will shut down unless Congress passes a funding bill. The Congressional plan for the end of September is a continuing resolution (CR), extending last year’s funding levels while any appropriations (budget) negotiations continue.
Republicans have been using rescissions and reconciliation, both of which require only a simple majority in the Senate, to pass partisan legislation without buy-in from Democrats. But a CR is subject to the filibuster and therefore requires 60 votes, meaning support is needed from Democrats to pass in the Senate. Democrats had their first shot to use this power back in March 2025. Federal funding was set to expire on March 15, and without a CR the government would shut down. After initially vowing to demand a clean CR that did nothing but extend funding to keep the government open, Democratic leadership caved and passed a “dirty” CR that aided Trump’s rampage. Some Democrats publicly warned that a shutdown would empower Trump and DOGE, but privately, they reportedly feared blame for a government shutdown.
When Congress reconvenes, they face another budget showdown to fund the government beyond September 30. Democrats have another chance to use the filibuster, not just to get a clean CR, but to demand a “fighting CR” that includes checks on Trump: protections for science, human rights, and the American people.
During the Last CR Fight, Democrats in the Senate Folded
The government is now operating on the CR passed in March 2025. Then, as now, Republicans held the House, Senate and White House, giving them nearly full control of any budget package and thus responsibility for keeping the government lights on.
The House wasn’t expected to pass the CR. Through February and March, it was widely discussed that House Republicans, led by Speaker Mike Johnson, would have trouble passing any CR through their fractious caucus without Democratic votes. But the Republicans in the House unexpectedly passed a CR (with one Democratic vote: Jared Golden, D-ME). This dirty CR contained provisions that cut the DC budget and gave Trump more power to redirect federal spending, which DOGE, Trump, and Trump’s government chieftain Russell Vought used to harm government agencies.
Senate Democrats were caught off guard, and folded. Senate Democrats had not laid the groundwork for a fight on the CR. They did not have time to explain to the public that allowing a government shutdown would cause less damage than allowing Republicans to use the CR to support Trump’s lawlessness.
Thus, instead of using their power to demand a clean CR, Democratic leadership surveyed the political landscape, feared the economic consequences of a government shutdown, and worried any shutdown would be blamed on them, despite being the minority party. Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY), reportedly screamed at her colleagues behind closed doors over their plans to vote for a shutdown because she feared being blamed. Sen. John Fetterman (D-PA) said on March 11th “If we vote to shut it down, that’s going to be the Democrats, we’re going to own that.” Within the Senate Democratic caucus, Senators were divided. It was “Team Fight” vs “Team Cave” and Team Cave won. Despite strong objections from both constituents and party members, nine Democrats, including Minority leader Chuck Schumer of New York, crossed the aisle to help the Republicans pass the dirty CR.
Democratic voters and elected officials reacted with outrage. The backlash from the base was swift and scathing. Colleagues in the Senate and House issued strong rebukes, and grassroots organizations called for Schumer’s resignation. Rep. Alexandria Ocasio Cortez described “a deep sense of outrage and betrayal” among House Democrats who took hard votes against the resolution, only to see Senate Democrats fold. Rep. Steven Horsford (D-NV) said “The constituents I represent need Democrats to stand up to this rogue administration. What they got from Senate Democrats today was capitulation instead.” There was one notable fan of Senate Democrats voting for the dirty CR: Donald Trump. Trump said Schumer “did the right thing” and taunted Schumer, saying passing the CR was a “really good and smart move by Senator Schumer.” Schumer refused to step aside as leader, but the criticism and planned protests did affect him: he canceled his about-to-begin book tour.
This is a situation we should all wish to avoid re-running. One reason Senate Democrats voted for the dirty Republican CR is they thought the country would blame them for the shutdown. Schumer wrote out his argument in a NY Times opinion piece, and a commentator with sources in the Democratic Congressional leadership laid out what was assumed to be the leadership argument. Those rebuttals were flimsy, and boiled down to fear of getting blamed. That fear was because Congressional Democrats did not prepare the public by explaining the stakes weeks in advance and driving public debate.
This time, it must be different.
Accepting The Dirty CR Was a Mistake
Democrats made the wrong choice in March. Their concerns about blame for a shutdown were likely not justified. At the time, polls indicated blame for a shutdown would fall toward Trump and Republicans. Even if they were blamed, the party deemed responsible for a shutdown often experiences little political cost in future elections. And future electoral performance pales in comparison to the potential consequences of this unprecedented moment of authoritarian collapse in America. Millions of voters already understand what too many Democratic leaders avoid saying: we are on the brink of a fascist collapse.
Democrats’ other reasons similarly don’t hold up in hindsight. Schumer suggested a shutdown would hand Trump an opportunity to cut programs like Medicaid and SNAP. Yet, even with the government remaining open, Trump has successfully cut critical public health, social service and research programs, including Medicaid. Senator Kirsten Gillibrand reportedly said of a shutdown “The various NIH trials… will be shut down.” But many NIH trials have shut down anyway.
Schumer also expressed concern for federal workers, who would be furloughed during a shutdown. But in March unions also called for a fighting CR, with protections for federal workers, and said they would accept a shutdown if needed. Federal unions argued that “A widespread government shutdown has been underway since January 20, and will continue to spread whether senators vote yes or no on [the dirty CR].” They implored Democrats to fight for a CR that stipulated “that the Trump Administration cannot continue to dismantle the federal government.” That language, proved to be prescient. Emboldened by the dirty CR, the Trump administration, launched mass firings across the government, including 10,000 firings on April 1st at HHS and its subagencies CDC, FDA, and NIH.
Schumer also argued, when he announced he would vote for cloture to pass the CR, that a shutdown would stop the courts from functioning. But this is also false: US courts would have functioned normally for several weeks after the start of a shutdown, and after that would have had the ability to designate essential court employees to continue working and allow the courts to continue operations.
Democrats’ folding on the CR did not just enable further dismantling of the government. Commentators believe the failed pushback strengthened Republicans in the reconciliation fight this summer. One longtime DC politics reporter wrote that Senate Democrats’ “show of inertia” over the dirty CR “directly led to the debacle of [Trump’s Big Bill].”. Ultimately, accepting a dirty CR to avoid a shutdown proved ineffective in stopping Trump’s lawless dismantling of the government.
For Schumer’s capitulation, the Democrats paid a heavy price. The Democratic base has become increasingly frustrated with the inaction of party leaders, calling them “weak,” “spineless,” and “apathetic.” Democratic favorability ratings have plummeted to their lowest in three decades. The time of “They go low, we go high” is over. As Democrats compete in an increasingly rigged system, this idealistic strategy is both politically and pragmatically failing. Average and engaged Democrats have tired of being the party that brings a pencil to a knife fight, the party that loses for playing by the rules against an opponent that routinely bends, or outright breaks them. Rising stars within the party are increasingly lauded for finding power where they can: walking out on attempts to redistrict in Texas, redrawing maps in California to cut out Republican House seats, and even clapping back on insults. Political analysts have called for a “competitive anti-Trumpism” predicting that politicians that publicly fight Trump will be rewarded by the electorate. We all want to see Democrats truly stand up and fight in September, and see Senate Democrats, led by Schumer, reap public approval increases from that fight.
Democrats Must Demand a “Fighting” CR
Democratic leadership will soon have another chance to earn back the admiration and respect of their constituents, and to prove they are equipped with more than pencils for this knife fight with authoritarianism. Without a CR (or budget deal), the government will shutdown on Sep 30, 2025. If, as is likely, a CR passes the House, the Republican-led Senate must again win 9 votes from Democrats to avoid a government shutdown. It’s the March budget showdown all over again.
But this time, “Team Fight” needs to win - Democrats must demand that the CR include provisions to stop Trump’s lawlessness. Just like in March, recent polls show most Americans would blame Republicans for a shutdown. With Trump’s approval falling, Democrats have momentum to push back this time around.
Beyond using the CR to obtain statutory provisions to check Trump, a government shutdown can actually be used to help Democrats make the case against Trump. A shutdown would draw attention to the disaster that Trump, with Republican support, is unleashing on American power, prestige, jobs, and society. Shutdowns affect voters’ lives and hit at kitchen table issues. Drawing attention is a big part of fighting Trump, as long as Democrats use it to drive media coverage and tell the country that they’ll let the government shut down rather than let Trump destroy our country.
Schumer’s recent refusal to make a deal with Senate Majority Leader John Thune on speeding up confirmations of Trump nominees suggests even he might be ready to fight. Democratic leadership in Congress must stand firm on demanding a “fighting CR” that curtails Trump’s overreach. This time, they cannot back down.
What might go into a fighting CR, and how can you help? Read on.
A Fighting CR to protect science (and democracy)
The CR fight involves funding much of the government, but it also must constrain Trump’s overreach and protect a broad array of federal programs. Here, we focus on specific effects to NIH science, medical research, and universities. The vast majority of Americans, upwards of 90%, support investment in biomedical research, suggesting its protection should be a priority.
A fighting CR can and should include other provisions that block Trump’s authoritarian takeover. For example, polls suggest voters have strong interest in reversing cuts to Medicaid, blocking tax breaks for big corporations and the wealthy, and checking Trump’s power. The CR should also stop Trump’s takeover of cities like DC and LA. Cities have pushed back hard against occupation with federal forces, and despite shortsighted “strategist brain” advice to not fight, Congress can use the CR to legally require these cities be demilitarized.
Possible science provisions in a fighting CR. At the bare minimum, Democrats should insist on no cuts to science budgets in the CR. But protecting biomedical research will require much more than adequately funding NIH, NSF, and other science agencies. Even if fully funded, Trump’s NIH has been severely diminished through a variety of non-budgetary tactics, many part of the Project 2025 plan led by now-OMB head Russell Vought.
Here are some examples of statutory provisions that could be included in a fighting CR to protect US science funding and NIH:
Ensure scientists with relevant expertise–rather than political appointees–drive key decisions . Despite its calls for “gold standard science,” the Trump administration has undermined expertise and peer review, allowing unqualified political appointees to overrule peer review recommendations by skipping and terminating research reviewed as high quality and constraining funding opportunities.
Limit the use of multiyear (upfront) funding that reduces the number of grants funded. Trump’s NIH imposed an abrupt transition in funding policies that slashed the number of studies funded by NIH in FY2025. The policy is expected to continue next year, unless Congress stops it.
Require adequate NIH staffing. Since Trump took office, thousands of essential NIH staff and contractors have been fired or forced out. These employees did every job at NIH including grants management, clinical research support, and communication. Hiring freezes must be lifted, and Congress should require re-hiring staff positions that were lawlessly removed via RIFs or otherwise.
Call to Action: Tell Congress You Want Nothing Less than a Fighting CR
A shutdown is not something we take lightly. As Federal workers, we intimately understand the consequences of a shutdown as we will go without pay. Beyond those immediate concerns, food, nutrition and social service programs across American will be affected, and research programs will be paused and harmed. But we also know that if Trump’s growing power is not checked, he will dissolve many of these programs anyway. We recognize that accepting this hit now can save us all from worse consequences in the future.
Democrats in Congress need to know that their constituents want them to accept nothing less than a fighting CR that blocks Trump’s authoritarian overreach — even if Republicans refuse to rein Trump in and instead force a government shutdown to protect him.
Take action early and often throughout the month of September.
Actions you can take to back Senate Dems as they stand up for a fighting CR
Post on social media (Bluesky, LinkedIn, Instagram, TikTok, Facebook, etc) asking Democrats in Congress to stand firm and accept nothing less than a CR that constrains Trump. Video content can be particularly compelling, especially if you share what matters most to you. Bonus points if you tag your senators and representatives!
Good hashtags: #FightingCR, #ShutTrumpDown. We will reshare content if you tag us: please follow us on Bluesky, and subscribe to our blog.Contact your representatives: You can call or email on your own or organize with members of your community to hold a call-in day.
If your Senator is a Democrat, ask if they will vote against cloture (i.e., support a filibuster), unless it is a fighting CR.
If your Senator is a Republican, tell them you reject Trump’s lawbreaking and expect the CR to reflect that.
Join your local Indivisible group and get on their weekly calls.
Bird-dog public events: Go to any event your representatives appear at and if they back Trump, ask them why—on video—then post it to social media. Indivisible has a how-to guide, or ask a local activist group for help.
Organize “office hours” protests: Show up outside district offices — with signs, chants, and press outreach. Do everything you can to get this on local news. September 22 – September 26 Senators and Representatives now plan to be in recess – they will be in your home state.
Write letters to the editor: Target local papers, especially in states with swing Senators. Short, sharp letters (“We need a CR that reins in Trump, not one that caves”) get noticed.
Engage faith or community leaders: A letter or joint statement from local clergy or civic leaders can carry weight with Senators.
If you’re a scientist and/or a university, some additional options:
Gather a few local scientists and request a joint meeting with your Senator and Representative.
Bonus: Offer to make a social media video with them announcing their intention to rein Trump by standing firm through the budget showdown.Make a TikTok or Instagram reel (seriously—it works). If you don’t know how, find a GenZ student to partner with.
Write an opinion piece urging Senators to fight. The Science Homecoming toolbox can help.
Leverage professional societies: Ask your academic or scientific association to issue a public statement, or sign onto one already circulating.
Team up with unions or campus groups: Labor allies and student orgs can amplify pressure and turn out for actions.
Push your university administration: Join with fellow faculty and approach your university president and board as you would Congress: request meetings, join up to pressure them. Urge them to press Congress for a fighting CR.
Coordinate scientist-to-scientist outreach: Send personalized emails to colleagues in other states, asking them to call their Senators.
Whatever you do, recruit three science colleagues to repeat the action.
This is a contributed essay from current and former NIH staff. Thank you for reading. Please subscribe below to get regular updates. If you’d like to help with other action or partner with us, please email at info@scienceandfreedomalliance.org.
Thank you for this thoughtful summary of the arguments for voting against cloture. But the problems with a shut-down aren't just political blame--they include real financial strain that will be felt by all federal workers, including those at our scientific institutes. How do you think about this?